The Formation of the Intellectuals
Gramsci takes Marx’s thoughts upon relations between
superstructure and substructure of the society as his starting point. Seeing
that masses that the workers form who are supposed to be the foundations of a
revolution are not willingly supporting Marxist ideas and that they are rather
more inclined to obey the capital holding bourgeoisie’s ideology, he suggests
that the ruling classes in society shape the cultural, intellectual structure
of the society by hegemony. Gramsci’s Marxist starting point and his term hegemony
, in the introduction part in Norton Anthology is defined like this:
“ Gramsci’s failed
political efforts motivated his revisionist Marxism, which emphasized the way
cultural activities interact with both the economy and the state to forge the ‘manufactured consent’ he calls ‘hegemony.’”
According to Gramsci there are two kinds of intellectuals:
organic and traditional. Traditional intellectuals are those who are placed in
formal institutions such as schools, corporations and they are a part of the
continuing hegemonic system. But the organic intellectuals do not share that ‘consent’.
“ In contrast, organic intellectuals
rise out of membership in social groups (or classes) that have an antagonistic
relationship to established institutions and official power.”
Traditional intellectuals’ relationship with the social
hegemony and political government is explained by him as such:
“The intellectuals
are the dominant group’s ‘deputies’ exercising the subaltern functions of
social hegemony and political government. These comprise:
1. The ‘spontaneous’
consent given by the great masses of the population to the general direction
imposed on social life by the dominant fundamental group; this consent is ‘historically’
caused by the prestige (and consequent confidence) which the dominant group enjoys because of its position and
function in the world of production.
2. The apparatus of
state coercive power which ‘legally’ enforces discipline on those groups who do
not ‘consent’ either actively or passively. This apparatus is, however,
constituted fort he whole of society in anticipation of moments of crisis of
command and direction when spontaneous consent has failed.”
There is also a function of the intellectuals, that is the
responsibility of the intellectual towards all the others in the society. The
political act is what distinguishes the intellectual from anyone who
contemplates upon intellectual matters:
“All men are
intellectuals, one could therefore say: but not all men have in society the
function of intellectuals.”
As the matter of intellectuals are taken
into account politically, there is also the power struggle between these two
groups:
“One of the most
important characteristics of any group that is developing towards dominance is
its struggle to assimilate and conquer ‘ideologically’ the traditional
intellectuals, but this assimilation and conquest is made quicker and more
efficacious the more the group in question succeeds in simultaneously
elaborating its own organic intellectuals.”
Today, in many of the developing countries the intellectuals
that are recognized by the societies are the ones who teach at the formal
institutions which have certain curriculums to be followed while giving
education to people. It is not as if there are formations which spread the
ideas that are too strong of an opposition for the capitalist
states. That is, of course, a
result of people’s (manufactured?) consent. On the other hand, there are also
variety of choices on social media for one ‘organically developed intellectual’
to carry out his/her responsibilities and make a change. Everyone is welcome to
try that but, of course, I doubt to what degree one can be successful. In order
to use social media and be able to spread ideas, an intellectual should also possess
either artistic and creative skills, maybe, to be able to catch the attention
of masses. It is ironically very much like advertising, though. I am not sure
about that.
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